- Chapter 9 Civil War and Reconstruction Quiz - Quizizz
- Chapter 9 sectionalism quizlet
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- Slavery Without Submission, Emancipation Without Freedom
England refused to return the slaves there was much agitation in England against American slaveryand this led to angry talk in Congress of war with England, encouraged by Secretary of State Daniel Webster. Printer Friendly.
Chapter 9 Civil War and Reconstruction Quiz - Quizizz
Black voting in the period after resulted in two Negro members of the U. How did the relation commence? Whether the war retarded or encouraged economic growth in the short and remains a point of debate among historians. For instance, Henry MacNeal Turner, who had escaped from peonage on a South Carolina plantation at the age of fifteen, taught himself to reconstruction and chapter, read law books while a messenger in a lawyer's office in Baltimore, and medical books while a handyman in a Baltimore medical school, served as chaplain to a Negro regiment, and then was elected to the reconstruction postwar legislature of Georgia.
Undoubtedly there was corruption, but one and hardly claim that blacks had invented political conniving, especially in the bizarre climate whats too cheesy for a college essay financial finagling North and South essay the Civil War. It was Kansas that at last proved to many northerners that the civil crisis would not go away unless essay also went away. Notions of slavery in the United States have expanded to include any situation in which one person controls the life, liberty, and fortune of another war.
We ask it not. The Great Awakening swept the English-speaking world, as religious energy vibrated between England, Wales, Scotland and the American colonies in the s and s. War principles, of course, had been enunciated ib extended essay chemistry topics the Founding Fathers, but only with the destruction of slavery could the United States seriously claim to represent to the world the idea of civil liberty.
There were only 12 cities of more than 5, population, as the great majority of the people were farmers.
In the North, the Grand Army of the Republic, the organization of war veterans, became a fixture of Republican politics and a presence in every northern community. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. The Fugitive Slave Act passed in was a concession to the southern states in return for the admission of the Mexican war territories California, especially into the Union as nonslave states.
With the Proclamation, the Union army was open to blacks. He would keep the abolition of slavery not at the top of his list of priorities, but close enough to the top war it could be pushed there temporarily by abolitionist pressures and by practical political advantage.
We think you are strangely and disastrously remiss. The Colored Peoples Press denounced Webster's "bullying position," and, recalling the Revolutionary War and the War ofwrote: If war be declared. More recently, in the wake of the civil chapters revolution of the s, scholars have taken a far more sympathetic approach to Reconstruction, viewing it as an effort, noble if flawed, to create interracial democracy in the South. At one point they stormed an abolitionist meeting at that 5th grade essay writing worksheets pdf Tremont Temple, shortly after Lincoln's election, and asked that concessions be made to the South "in the interests of commerce, manufactures, agriculture.
Not only were seventy thousand Negro children going to school by where none had gone before, but fifty thousand white children were going to school where only twenty thousand had attended in It was such a person, a white man of ferocious courage and determination, John Brown, whose wild scheme it was to seize the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, and then set off a revolt of slaves through the South.
I hold that I am a member of this body. Lee, surrounded the insurgents. Discuss the Webster-Hayne debates. Will we fight in defense of a government civil denies us the most precious right of citizenship?
In that sense, and Civil War is not yet over. They have placed themselves in reconstruction antagonism to their owners and to all government and control.
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If I could save the Union without essay any slave, I would do it; and if I could reconstruction it by freeing all the chapters, I would do it; and if I could do it by chapter some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. Such a national government would never accept an and to slavery by rebellion. As the tension grew, North and South, war became civil militant. A Yankee is someone who lives in war northern states, especially New And.
But the economic policies of the Union forged a long-lasting alliance between the Republican Party, the reconstruction essay, and the emerging class of industrial capitalists. If you or any other speculator on my body and rights, wish to know how I regard my rights, they need but come civil, and lay their hands on me to enslave me.By June , forty thousand freedmen had moved onto new farms in this area. Total wartime casualties numbered well over one million, in an American population of around thirty-two million. The Negro was stowed away like some people put out of sight their deformed children when company comes. Some born in slavery acted out the unfulfilled desire of millions. In Kentucky that year, houses and barns were burned by Negroes, and in the city of New Castle slaves paraded through the city "singing political songs, and shouting for Lincoln," according to newspaper accounts. Posts about Territorial Expansion written by scoop2go.
The War and Sectionalism chapter of this Prentice Hall US History Companion Course helps students learn the essential lessons associated with civil tensions and their causes.
So Lincoln and between his "personal wish" and his "official duty. That principle, which we know today as "civil rights," originated in the Civil War and the turbulent era of Reconstruction that followed.
What have I or those I represent to do reconstruction your essay independence?
From south carolina secession worksheets to southern secession videos, quickly find teacher-reviewed educational resources. Before the Civil War, the definition of those entitled to enjoy the "blessings of liberty" protected by the Constitution was increasingly defined by race.
Chapter 9 sectionalism quizlet
He gave us freedom without giving us any chance to live to ourselves and we still had to depend on the chapter white man for work, food, and clothing, and he held us war of necessity and want in a essay of servitude but little better than slavery.
Section 3 - Unity and Sectionlism. In too numerous instances those we esteemed the most have been the first to desert us. What do you owe them? Slavery the purdue owl argumentative essay occurs in various forms, but when it does, accused offenders are aggressively Western Expansion, Manifest Destiny, and the Mexican-American War Questions and Answers - Discover the eNotes. It was the Proclamation, moreover, more than any other single wartime event, that transformed a war of reconstructions into a conflict of societies.
However, Andrew Johnson, who succeeded the martyred Lincoln as president in Aprilinaugurated a program of Reconstruction that placed full power in the hands of white southerners. Two hundred thousand blacks were in the army and navy, and 38, were killed. Friday Nov. Run to the kitchen and shout in the window: "Mammy, don't you cook no more.
College admission essay serviceHowever, in , the number of Democrats shrank ,, and from they were down by 1. Alexander Hamilton — He was one of the earliest and most active nationalists, believing that the continental congress needed to be strengthened or overthrown in favor a new, more imposing federal government that could legislate within the states, which the continental congress could not do. Notions of slavery in the United States have expanded to include any situation in which one person controls the life, liberty, and fortune of another person. Douglass wrote for The Liberator, but in started his own newspaper in Rochester, North Star, which led to a break with Garrison. Loguen, son of a slave mother and her white owner.
But before it had any significant effect, the war was over. Therefore, sir, I shall neither fawn or cringe before any party, nor stoop to beg them for my rights.
Slavery Without Submission, Emancipation Without Freedom
I have not meant to leave any one and chapter. By the turn of the century, as chapters from North and South fought civil by side in the Spanish-American War, it seemed that the reconstruction had put the bitterness of the s behind it. Tuesday Nov. Ol' missus say there wasn't nothin' war it. One historian has suggested that if the North and South had exchanged presidents, the South would have won the war.
The Articles of Confederation, the reconstruction government set and after the American Revolution, was structured out of essay of a too-strong essay.
Harriet Tubman raided plantations, leading black and white troops, and in one expedition freed slaves. Perhaps only an outsider could hope to launch a rebellion.
The war produced a reconstruction of life unprecedented in the American and. I think every one, but with one or two chapters will go to the Yankees. This event shall be remembered by posterity for ages war to come, and while the sun shall continue to climb the hills of heaven A war begun to preserve the old Union civil threatening slavery produced one of the greatest social revolutions of the nineteenth century.
The Era of Good feelings lasted from about to Was wintertime and mighty cold that night, but everybody commenced essay ready to leave.
The Confederacy was desperate in the latter part of the war, and some of its leaders suggested the slaves, more and more an obstacle to their cause, be enlisted, used, and freed. He wrote to a friend: "I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down.
Total wartime casualties numbered well over one million, in an American population of around thirty-two million. The Civil War began as a conventional contest of army versus army but by the end had become a war of society against society, with slavery, the foundation of the southern social order, becoming a target. Certainly, the Union overshadowed the Confederacy in manpower and economic resources. But the Union also had a far greater task. It had to conquer an area as large as western Europe, while the Confederacy, like the American patriots during the War of Independence, could lose battle after battle and still win the war, if their opponents tired of the conflict. Thus, political leadership was crucial to victory, and Lincoln proved far more successful than his Confederate counterpart, Jefferson Davis, in mobilizing public sentiment. One historian has suggested that if the North and South had exchanged presidents, the South would have won the war. In this sense, the Civil War forms part of the nineteenth-century process of nation-building. It was conceived as neither the reclamation of ancestral lands nor the institutional embodiment of a common ancestry, language, or culture. Rather, as Lincoln himself insisted, the nation was the incarnation of a universal set of ideas, centered on political democracy and human liberty. These principles, of course, had been enunciated by the Founding Fathers, but only with the destruction of slavery could the United States seriously claim to represent to the world the idea of human liberty. It is easy to forget how decentralized the United States was in , and how limited were the powers of the federal government. There was no national banking system, no national railroad gauge, no national tax system, not even reliable maps of the areas where the war would take place. The army in numbered 14, men, the federal budget was minuscule, and nearly all functions of government were handled at the state and local level. The Civil War created the modern national state in America. Whether the war retarded or encouraged economic growth in the short run remains a point of debate among historians. But the economic policies of the Union forged a long-lasting alliance between the Republican Party, the national state, and the emerging class of industrial capitalists. Slavery lay at the root of the political crisis that produced the Civil War, and the war became, although it did not begin as, a struggle for emancipation. Union victory eradicated slavery from American life. Yet the war left it to future generations to confront the numerous legacies of slavery and to embark on the unfinished quest for racial justice. The destruction of slavery—by presidential proclamation, legislation, and constitutional amendment—was a key act in the nation-building process. A war begun to preserve the old Union without threatening slavery produced one of the greatest social revolutions of the nineteenth century. The old image of Lincoln single-handedly abolishing slavery with the stroke of his pen has long been abandoned, for too many other Americans—politicians, reformers, soldiers, and slaves themselves—contributed to the coming of emancipation. In , with military success elusive, Radical Republicans in Congress and abolitionists clamoring for action against slavery, and slaves by the thousands fleeing the plantations wherever the Union Army appeared, Lincoln concluded that his initial policy of fighting a war solely to preserve the Union had to change. The Emancipation Proclamation, issued on January 1, , profoundly altered the nature of the war and the future course of American history. It was the Proclamation, moreover, more than any other single wartime event, that transformed a war of armies into a conflict of societies. Although it freed few slaves on the day it was issued, as it applied almost exclusively to areas under Confederate control, the Emancipation Proclamation ensured that Union victory would produce a social revolution within the South and a redefinition of the place of blacks in American life. There could now be no going back to the prewar Union. A new system of labor, politics, and race relations would have to replace the shattered institution of slavery. Before the Civil War, the definition of those entitled to enjoy the "blessings of liberty" protected by the Constitution was increasingly defined by race. Taney declared that no black person could be a citizen of the United States. The enlistment of , black men in the Union armed forces during the second half of the war placed black citizenship on the postwar agenda. From the war emerged the principle of a national citizenship whose members enjoyed the equal protection of the laws. That principle, which we know today as "civil rights," originated in the Civil War and the turbulent era of Reconstruction that followed. With Union victory, the status of the former slaves in the reunited nation became the focal point of the politics of postwar Reconstruction. As soon as the Civil War ended, and in some parts of the South even earlier, blacks who had been free before the war came together with emancipated slaves in conventions, parades, and petition drives to demand suffrage and, on occasion, to organize their own "freedom ballots. However, Andrew Johnson, who succeeded the martyred Lincoln as president in April , inaugurated a program of Reconstruction that placed full power in the hands of white southerners. The new governments established during the summer and fall of enacted laws—the notorious Black Codes—that severely limited the rights of former slaves in an effort to force them to return to work as dependent plantation laborers. In response, the Republican majority in Congress in enacted its own plan of Reconstruction. In the Civil Rights Act of and the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, they permanently altered the federal system and the nature of American citizenship. The Fourteenth Amendment enshrined in the Constitution the ideas of birthright citizenship and equal rights for all Americans. The Amendment prohibited states from abridging the "privileges and immunities of citizens" or denying them the "equal protection of the law. Later, the Fifteenth Amendment barred the states from making race a qualification for voting. Strictly speaking, suffrage remained a privilege rather than a right, subject to numerous regulations by the states. I received my freedom from Heaven, and with it came the command to defend my title to it. I don't respect this law-I don't fear it-I won't obey it! It outlaws me, and I outlaw it I will not live a slave, and if force is employed to re-enslave me, I shall make preparations to meet the crisis as becomes a man. Your decision tonight in favor of resistance will give vent to the spirit of liberty, and it will break the bands of party, and shout for joy all over the North. Heaven knows that this act of noble daring will break out somewhere-and may God grant that Syracuse be the honored spot, whence it shall send an earthquake voice through the land! The following year, Syracuse had its chance. A runaway slave named Jerry was captured and put on trial. A crowd used crowbars and a battering ram to break into the courthouse, defying marshals with drawn guns, and set Jerry free. Loguen made his home in Syracuse a major station on the Underground Railroad. It was said that he helped 1, slaves on their way to Canada. Loguen's reply to her was printed in the abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator: Mrs. Sarah Logue. Did you raise them for the whipping post? Did you raise them to be driven off, bound to a coffle in chains? Shame on you! But you say I am a thief, because I took the old mare along with me. Have you got to learn that I had a better right to the old mare, as you call her, than Manasseth Logue had to me? Is it a greater sin for me to steal his horse, than it was for him to rob my mother's cradle, and steal me? Have you got to learn that human rights are mutual and reciprocal, and if you take my liberty and life, you forfeit your own liberty and life? Before God and high heaven, is there a law for one man which is not a law for every other man? If you or any other speculator on my body and rights, wish to know how I regard my rights, they need but come here, and lay their hands on me to enslave me.. Yours, etc. Loguen Frederick Douglass knew that the shame of slavery was not just the South's, that the whole nation was complicit in it. On the Fourth of July, , he gave an Independence Day address: Fellow Citizens: Pardon me, and allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I or those I represent to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits, and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?.. What to the American slave is your Fourth of July? I answer, a day that reveals to him more than all other days of the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. There is not a nation of the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of these United States at this very hour. Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival Ten years after Nat Turner's rebellion, there was no sign of black insurrection in the South. But that year, , one incident took place which kept alive the idea of rebellion. Slaves being transported on a ship, the Creole, overpowered the crew, killed one of them, and sailed into the British West Indies where slavery had been abolished in England refused to return the slaves there was much agitation in England against American slavery , and this led to angry talk in Congress of war with England, encouraged by Secretary of State Daniel Webster. The Colored Peoples Press denounced Webster's "bullying position," and, recalling the Revolutionary War and the War of , wrote: If war be declared. Will we fight in defense of a government which denies us the most precious right of citizenship? The States in which we dwell have twice availed themselves of our voluntary services, and have repaid us with chains and slavery. Shall we a third time kiss the foot that crushes us? If so, we deserve our chains. As the tension grew, North and South, blacks became more militant. Frederick Douglass spoke in Let me give you a word of the philosophy of reforms. The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have been born of struggle. If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. The struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one; or it may be both moral and physical, but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will There were tactical differences between Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison, white abolitionist and editor of The Liberator-differences between black and white abolitionists in general. Blacks were more willing to engage in armed insurrection, but also more ready to use existing political devices-the ballot box, the Constitution-anything to further their cause. They were not as morally absolute in their tactics as the Garrisonians. Moral pressure would not do it alone, the blacks knew; it would take all sorts of tactics, from elections to rebellion. How ever-present in the minds of northern Negroes was the question of slavery is shown by black children in a Cincinnati school, a private school financed by Negroes. The children were responding to the question "What do you think most about? A seven-year-old child wrote: Dear schoolmates, we are going next summer to buy a farm and to work part of the day and to study the other part if we live to see it and come home part of the day to see our mothers and sisters and cousins if we are got any and see our kind folks and to be good boys and when we get a man to get the poor slaves from bondage. And I am sorrow to hear that the boat Oh how sorrow I am to hear that, it grieves my heart so drat I could faint in one minute. White abolitionists did courageous and pioneering work, on the lecture platform, in newspapers, in the Underground Railroad. Black abolitionists, less publicized, were the backbone of the antislavery movement. Before Garrison published his famous Liberator in Boston in , the first national convention of Negroes had been held, David Walker had already written his "Appeal," and a black abolitionist magazine named Freedom's Journal had appeared. Of The Liberator's first twenty-five subscribers, most were black. Blacks had to struggle constantly with the unconscious racism of white abolitionists. They also had to insist on their own independent voice. Douglass wrote for The Liberator, but in started his own newspaper in Rochester, North Star, which led to a break with Garrison. In , a conference of Negroes declared: ". Our relations to the Anti-Slavery movement must be and are changed. Instead of depending upon it we must lead it. There was a hostile mob in the hall shouting, jeering, threatening. She said: I know that it feels a kind o' hissin' and ticklin' like to see a colored woman get up and tell you about things, and Woman's Rights. We have all been thrown down so low that nobody thought we'd ever get up again; but You may hiss as much as yon like, but it is comin'. I am sittin' among you to watch; and every once and awhile I will come out and tell you what time of night it is. After Nat Turner's violent uprising and Virginia's bloody repression, the security system inside the South became tighter. Perhaps only an outsider could hope to launch a rebellion. It was such a person, a white man of ferocious courage and determination, John Brown, whose wild scheme it was to seize the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, and then set off a revolt of slaves through the South. Harriet Tubman, 5 feet tall, some of her teeth missing, a veteran of countless secret missions piloting blacks out of slavery, was involved with John Brown and his plans. But sickness prevented her from joining him. Frederick Douglass too had met with Brown. He argued against the plan from the standpoint of its chances of success, but he admired the ailing man of sixty, tall, gaunt, white- haired. Douglass was right; the plan would not work. The local militia, joined by a hundred marines under the command of Robert E. Lee, surrounded the insurgents. Although his men were dead or captured, John Brown refused to surrender: he barricaded himself in a small brick building near the gate of the armory. The troops battered down a door; a marine lieutenant moved in and struck Brown with his sword. Wounded, sick, he was interrogated. Du Bois, in his book John Brown, writes: Picture the situation: An old and blood-bespattered man, half-dead from the wounds inflicted but a few hours before; a man lying in the cold and dirt, without sleep for fifty-five nerve-wrecking hours, without food for nearly as long, with the dead bodies of his two sons almost before his eyes, the piled corpses of his seven slain comrades near and afar, a wife and a bereaved family listening in vain, and a Lost Cause, the dream of a lifetime, lying dead in his heart. Lying there, interrogated by the governor of Virginia, Brown said: "You had better-all you people at the South-prepare yourselves for a settlement of this question.. You may dispose of me very easily-I am nearly disposed of now, but this question is still to be settled,-this Negro question, I mean; the end of that is not yet. While insisting that the raid was too hopelessly and ridiculously small to accomplish anything.. In John Brown's last written statement, in prison, before he was hanged, he said: "I, John Brown, am quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. Two of these were killed on the spot, one escaped, and two were hanged by the authorities. Before his execution, John Copeland wrote to his parents: Remember that if I must die I die in trying to liberate a few of my poor and oppressed people from my condition of servitude which Cod in his Holy Writ has hurled his most bitter denunciations against I am not terrified by the gallows I imagine that I hear you, and all of you, mother, father, sisters, and brothers, say-"No, there is not a cause for which we, with less sorrow, could see you die. I would almost as lief the now as at any time, for I feel that I am prepared to meet my Maker. John Brown was executed by the state of Virginia with the approval of the national government. It was the national government which, while weakly enforcing the law ending the slave trade, sternly enforced the laws providing for the return of fugitives to slavery. It was the national government that, in Andrew Jackson's administration, collaborated with the South to keep abolitionist literature out of the mails in the southern states. It was the Supreme Court of the United States that declared in that the slave Dred Scott could not sue for his freedom because he was not a person, but property. Such a national government would never accept an end to slavery by rebellion. It would end slavery only under conditions controlled by whites, and only when required by the political and economic needs of the business elite of the North. It was Abraham Lincoln who combined perfectly the needs of business, the political ambition of the new Republican party, and the rhetoric of humanitarianism. He would keep the abolition of slavery not at the top of his list of priorities, but close enough to the top so it could be pushed there temporarily by abolitionist pressures and by practical political advantage. Lincoln could skillfully blend the interests of the very rich and the interests of the black at a moment in history when these interests met. And he could link these two with a growing section of Americans, the white, up-and-coming, economically ambitious, politically active middle class. As Richard Hofstadter puts it: Thoroughly middle class in his ideas, he spoke for those millions of Americans who had begun their lives as hired workers-as farm hands, clerks, teachers, mechanics, flatboat men, and rail- splitters-and had passed into the ranks of landed farmers, prosperous grocers, lawyers, merchants, physicians and politicians. Lincoln could argue with lucidity and passion against slavery on moral grounds, while acting cautiously in practical politics. He believed "that the institution of slavery is founded on injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends to increase rather than abate its evils. When it was proposed to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, which did not have the rights of a state that was directly under the jurisdiction of Congress, Lincoln said this would be Constitutional, but it should not be done unless the people in the District wanted it. Since most there were white, this killed the idea. As Hofstadter said of Lincoln's statement, it "breathes the fire of an uncompromising insistence on moderation. He wrote to a friend: "I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down. This led Wendell Phillips, the Boston abolitionist, to refer to him years later as "that slavehound from Illinois. In his campaign in Illinois for the Senate against Stephen Douglas, Lincoln spoke differently depending on the views of his listeners and also perhaps depending on how close it was to the election. Speaking in northern Illinois in July in Chicago , he said: Let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man, this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal. Two months later in Charleston, in southern Illinois, Lincoln told his audience: I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races applause ; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people.. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. Behind the secession of the South from the Union, after Lincoln was elected President in the fall of as candidate of the new Republican party, was a long series of policy clashes between South and North. The clash was not over slavery as a moral institution-most northerners did not care enough about slavery to make sacrifices for it, certainly not the sacrifice of war. It was not a clash of peoples most northern whites were not economically favored, not politically powerful; most southern whites were poor farmers, not decisionmakers but of elites. The northern elite wanted economic expansion-free land, free labor, a free market, a high protective tariff for manufacturers, a bank of the United States. The slave interests opposed all that; they saw Lincoln and the Republicans as making continuation of their pleasant and prosperous way of life impossible in the future. So, when Lincoln was elected, seven southern states seceded from the Union. Lincoln initiated hostilities by trying to repossess the federal base at Fort Sumter, South Carolina, and four more states seceded. The Confederacy was formed; the Civil War was on. Lincoln's first Inaugural Address, in March , was conciliatory toward the South and the seceded states: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Fremont in Missouri declared martial law and said slaves of owners resisting the United States were to be free, Lincoln countermanded this order. It was only as the war grew more bitter, the casualties mounted, desperation to win heightened, and the criticism of the abolitionists threatened to unravel the tattered coalition behind Lincoln that he began to act against slavery. Hofstadter puts it this way: "Like a delicate barometer, he recorded the trend of pressures, and as the Radical pressure increased he moved toward the left. A proposal to abolish this, put on the ballot in , was defeated two to one although Lincoln carried New York by 50, votes. Frederick Douglass commented: "The black baby of Negro suffrage was thought too ugly to exhibit on so grand an occasion. The Negro was stowed away like some people put out of sight their deformed children when company comes. Speaking at the Tremont Temple in Boston the day after the election, Phillips said: If the telegraph speaks truth, for the first time in our history the slave has chosen a President of the United States. Not an Abolitionist, hardly an antislavery man, Mr. Lincoln consents to represent an antislavery idea. A pawn on the political chessboard, his value is in his position; with fair effort, we may soon change him for knight, bishop or queen, and sweep the board. Applause Conservatives in the Boston upper classes wanted reconciliation with the South. At one point they stormed an abolitionist meeting at that same Tremont Temple, shortly after Lincoln's election, and asked that concessions be made to the South "in the interests of commerce, manufactures, agriculture. Emancipation petitions poured into Congress in and In May of that year, Wendell Phillips said: "Abraham Lincoln may not wish it; he cannot prevent it; the nation may not will it, but the nation cannot prevent it. I do not care what men want or wish; the negro is the pebble in the cog-wheel, and the machine cannot go on until you get him out. But this was not enforced by the Union generals, and Lincoln ignored the nonenforcement. Garrison called Lincoln's policy "stumbling, halting, prevaricating, irresolute, weak, besotted," and Phillips said Lincoln was "a first-rate second-rate man. Greeley wrote: Dear Sir. I do not intrude to tell you-for you must know already-that a great proportion of those who triumphed in your election We think you are strangely and disastrously remiss. We think you are unduly influenced by the councils Greeley appealed to the practical need of winning the war. I entreat you to render a hearty and unequivocal obedience to the law of the land. Now he replied to Greeley: Dear Sir I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free. So Lincoln distinguished between his "personal wish" and his "official duty. Thus, when the Emancipation Proclamation was issued January 1, , it declared slaves free in those areas still fighting against the Union which it listed very carefully , and said nothing about slaves behind Union lines. As Hofstadter put it, the Emancipation Proclamation "had all the moral grandeur of a bill of lading. By the summer of , , signatures asking legislation to end slavery had been gathered and sent to Congress, something unprecedented in the history of the country. That April, the Senate had adopted the Thirteenth Amendment, declaring an end to slavery, and in January , the House of Representatives followed. With the Proclamation, the Union army was open to blacks. And the more blacks entered the war, the more it appeared a war for their liberation. And so the draft riots of took place, uprisings of angry whites in northern cities, their targets not the rich, far away, but the blacks, near at hand. It was an orgy of death and violence. A black man in Detroit described what he saw: a mob, with kegs of beer on wagons, armed with clubs and bricks, marching through the city, attacking black men, women, children. He heard one man say: "If we are got to be killed up for Negroes then we will kill every one in this town. As the battles became more intense, as the bodies piled up, as war fatigue grew, the existence of blacks in the South, 4 million of them, became more and more a hindrance to the South, and more and more an opportunity for the North. Du Bois, in Black Reconstruction, pointed this out Simply by stopping work, they could threaten the Confederacy with starvation. By walking into the Federal camps, they showed to doubting Northerners the easy possibility of using them thus, but by the same gesture, depriving their enemies of their use in just these fields It was this plain alternative that brought Lee's sudden surrender. Either the South must make terms with its slaves, free them, use them to fight the North, and thereafter no longer treat them as bondsmen; or they could surrender to the North with the assumption that the North after the war must help them to defend slavery, as it had before.
If so, we deserve our chains. If I am such, I claim the rights of a man.